Gay Young Men Can Like Themselves Again

Introduction

School is oft a hostile environment for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) youth (Earnshaw et al., 2016; Kosciw et al., 2016; Pizmony-Levy and Kosciw, 2016; Russell and Fish, 2016; Toomey and Russell, 2016; 24-hour interval et al., 2018; Pizmony-Levy et al., 2019). In fact, bullying based on actual or perceived sexual orientation or gender identity/expression has been identified every bit a global problem violating sexual and gender minority students' rights and hindering their educational success (UNESCO, 2012; Pizmony-Levy and Kosciw, 2016).

Research shows that in comparison to their heterosexual and cisgender peers, LGBT youth are more probable to experience victimization, report higher rates of truancy (Birkett et al., 2009; Twenty-four hours et al., 2018), have poorer academic performance (Pearson et al., 2007), report more negative perceptions of school climate (Swearer et al., 2008; Birkett et al., 2009; Day et al., 2018), and experience less sense of belonging to their schoolhouse (Galliher et al., 2004; Pearson et al., 2007). Besides suffering higher levels of school-based victimization compared to heterosexual and cisgender youth (Toomey and Russell, 2016; Day et al., 2018), LGBT students likewise have to deal with many tasks and challenges concerning their sexual orientation and gender identity/expression, such as absence of positive role models, lack of coping mechanisms to deal with victimization and cocky-acceptance, loneliness, and coming out (Savin-Williams, 1998).

Given that higher levels of social stigmatization are associated with psychological distress (Meyer, 2003), sexual and gender minority youth are at gamble for a multifariousness of poor health and well-being related outcomes (Align et al., 2011; Rosario and Schrimshaw, 2013; Olson-Kennedy, 2016; Espelage et al., 2018; Hatchel et al., 2018). More specifically, discrimination and victimization in schools are associated with college levels of depression, self-harm, and suicidal ideation in this population (Almeida et al., 2009; Shields et al., 2012; UNESCO, 2012; Perez-Brumer et al., 2017; Mean solar day et al., 2018; Espelage et al., 2018).

Given this situation, research highlighted the importance of agreement the specific challenges LGBT youth confront in school and improving school climate to assure their well-being (Russell et al., 2011; Russell and Fish, 2016). In Portugal, where the present study was conducted, in that location is a lack of national level information collection of bullying and harassment toward this population in schools (Lgbtqi Inclusive Education Report, 2018). Furthermore, research nearly the experiences of LGBT students is scarce (for exceptions meet António et al., 2012; Freitas et al., 2015; Rodrigues et al., 2016; Santos et al., 2017, 2018). Thus, our goal in this work was to analyze the written comments left by a group of LGBT students who answered an online questionnaire about their school experiences in Portugal.

The above-mentioned challenges are not restricted to the schoolhouse surround since LGBT adolescents might be at the same time in vulnerable positions in dissimilar contexts. Next, we will review what is known about the experiences of LGBT adolescents in school and in their relations with friends and family unit. Because the surrounding social and legal climate play a major part in the lives of sexual and gender minority individuals (Bauermeister, 2014), nosotros will study side by side some specificities of the Portuguese context, likewise every bit what studies conducted in this country with LGBT adolescents have revealed and so far.

Portuguese Context

Portugal is a southern European land, with a catholic cultural matrix and a 45-year-old democracy, struggling to rise to the economic and educational development challenges posed by its European union membership condition. With piffling more than two decades of agile lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) movement, the concluding xv years brought withal a significant amount of changes in the legal and social contexts regarding sexual and gender diverseness acknowledgment, awareness and respect.

Some legal landmarks are the inclusion of sexual orientation in the principle of equality and non-discrimination of the Constitution of the Portuguese Commonwealth (2005), the union equality police in 2010 (Law no. nine/2010, 2010 Diário da República), a commencement gender identity constabulary in 2011 (Law no. 7/2011, 2011 Diário da República), subsequently upgraded in 2022 to include self-decision of trans people and the possibility to modify legal gender at the historic period of 16 (Constabulary no. 38/2018, 2022 Diário da República), and equal access to adoption for aforementioned sexual activity couples in 2022 (Law no. 2/2016, 2022 Diário da República). A bill on sex activity education includes, since 2009, sexual orientation and gender identity in its provisions (Police force no. threescore/2009, 2009), and the law on the status of the student and schoolhouse ethics (Law no. 51/2012, 2012 Diário da República) offers protection on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity for gender and sexual minority youth. The rights of intersex people have finally been acknowledged in the National Strategy for Equality and Non-Discrimination, canonical in 2022 (Resolution of the Council of Ministers no. 61/2018, 2022 Diário da República).

However, there is no cess to what is really being done to bring well-nigh change in school context, and the absence of a specific strategy is evident. At least 2 NGO'south (ILGA Portugal and rede ex aequo) accept been promoting awareness raising activities in schools on a national level, including storytelling, peer meetings and, since 2017, students' alliances (ILGA Portugal, 2019). But resources are scarce and there is footling evidence about the effectiveness of these strategies at a local level.

Inquiry near the experiences of LGBTI students is as well scarce in Portugal. All the same, a previous piece of work about homophobic bullying in Portuguese schools (António et al., 2012) revealed that psychological violence and victimization among LGBTI identified students are more than prevalent in boys; that ambitious behaviors toward LGBTI students are more often than not undervalued; that witnessed situations lack intervention; and that there are significant psychological consequences for the victims of homophobic bullying. Consistently, Rodrigues et al. (2016) showed that Portuguese LGBTI adolescents reported several types of bigotry and bullying confronting them: masculine violence, feminine violence, violence with less perceived impact, and violence with greater perceived touch. Furthermore, information technology seemed that about victims of homophobic bullying were afraid of revealing their sexual orientation to their family unit and they did not report homophobic episodes in school to their family. Santos et al. (2017, 2018) explored Portuguese high school students' opinions almost sexual multifariousness and verified that their discourses gravitated between liberal acceptance, conditional acceptance and intolerance. Furthermore, the expression of homophobia in schools was strongly related to processes of masculinity construction. The authors drew attending not merely to discrimination confronting LGBT youth but also to the gap between what is legally decreed and the lack of effective approaches to tackle sexual diversity issues in schools. Regarding family unit experiences of Portuguese LGBT youth, while Freitas et al. (2015) found that having frequent experiences of conflict with parents exacerbated the negative impact of discrimination episodes on adolescents' mental health, António and Moleiro (2015) verified that parental support was a moderator of the furnishings of homophobic bullying on psychological distress. More than recently, the National Survey on School Climate conducted in Portugal in 2016/2017 (Pizmony-Levy et al., 2018) revealed that schools are for many LGBTI youngsters an environment of unsafety and discomfort, in which insults and other negative attitudes are frequent. In this regard, 37% of inquired students reported they felt unsafe because of their sexual orientation and 28% considering of their gender expression. Approximately one in four students said he/she avoided using spaces such every bit showers, bathrooms or sports classes, due to feelings of unsafety and discomfort. Areas such as the schoolhouse cafeteria were also avoided. At least i out of six students missed classes because he/she felt unsafe or uncomfortable. In the present work, nosotros aimed at preserving the authentic voice of youth as they reflect on their experience through the analysis of open up-ended comments reported by participants of the afore-mentioned National Survey on School Climate (Pizmony-Levy et al., 2018).

LGBT Youth in School

School is potentially a difficult environs for LGBT students. Homophobic and transphobic bullying include teasing, name calling and public ridicule, spreading rumors most 1'south sexual orientation or gender identity (besides known as outing), intimidation, pushing and hitting, stealing or damaging property, social isolation, cyber bullying (harassment through electronic mail, cell phones, text messages, defamatory websites, and social media), physical or sexual assault, and death threats (UNESCO, 2012). This blazon of bullying is often perpetrated by students, but in some cases past teachers and other school staff (UNESCO, 2012). In this regard, Pizmony-Levy et al. (2008) found out that most half of their sample of LGBT students in Israel, which ranged in ages from 11 to 18 years, reported occasionally hearing homophobic remarks uttered by most of the teachers. Too the perpetrator and the victim, bullying as well involves and affects other persons, including those who witness or are bystanders. Worryingly, it seems that most of the assaults are witnessed but there is no intervention to stop them (due east.g., António et al., 2012). An aspect unique to transgender students, relates to school uniform policies and sanitation facilities that are even so gender binary in most educational settings (UNESCO, 2012; Kosciw et al., 2016).

As mentioned before, LGBT students are more than vulnerable to bullying than their heterosexual and cisgender peers. Potential reasons for this greater likelihood of abuse include disclosing sexual minority status to others (D'Augelli et al., 2002), behaving in a gender-nonconforming manner (D'Augelli et al., 2002; Friedman et al., 2006), or existence perceived to be LGBT even when they are heterosexuals and/or cisgender (Swearer et al., 2008; Rodrigues et al., 2016). Boys are the main victims of homophobic bullying from earlier ages when compared to girls (António et al., 2012; UNESCO, 2012; António and Moleiro, 2015; Rodrigues et al., 2016) and negative attitudes and behaviors toward sexual minorities and gender non-befitting persons are more prevalent among male than female students (Kimmel and Aronson, 2003; Costa and Davies, 2012; UNESCO, 2012; Santos et al., 2017).

Yet, inquiry also shows that LGBT youth fare better (e.g., feel safer, hear fewer homophobic remarks, have more academic success) in schools with programs that accost their needs and concerns (due east.g., Gay-Straight Alliances) (Russell et al., 2009; Poteat et al., 2013; Toomey and Russell, 2013; Ioverno et al., 2016; Marx and Kettrey, 2016; Day et al., 2019) and with teachers and classmates who are supportive (Kosciw et al., 2013, 2014). LGBT-inclusive curricula were also found to be associated with higher reports of safety at the private and schoolhouse levels (Snapp et al., 2015; Gegenfurtner and Gebhardt, 2017). Regarding this attribute, the Lgbtqi Inclusive Pedagogy Written report (2018) indicated that in Portugal there is a lack of specific policies and activeness plans, inclusive national curricula, and mandatory teacher training regarding LGBTI bug.

LGBT Youth and Their Peers

Peer groups constitute one the most important sources of social support during adolescence (Carr, 1999). In fact, LGBT individuals seem to rely more heavily on "chosen families" and friends for everyday social back up than on their own families (Frost et al., 2016).

Although sexual minority youths do not differ from their heterosexual peers in the number of friends and the frequency of contact, or level of emotional closeness with these friends (Diamond and Lucas, 2004; Beals and Peplau, 2006; Ueno et al., 2009), they are more likely to report having lost friends and to worry about losing friends (Diamond and Lucas, 2004). Furthermore, losing friends and the intense fear of losing more friends have been associated with psychological distress amidst LGB youth (D'Augelli, 2002; Diamond and Lucas, 2004). Despite these fears, nearly LGB youth disclose their sexual orientation to a heterosexual friend in the first identify, and almost all have disclosed to a friend (Beals and Peplau, 2006; Rosario et al., 2009). In this regard, the quality of youths' relations with friends seems to be unaffected by the disclosure of sexual orientation (Beals and Peplau, 2006). The support and acceptance from friends acts as a buffer and is protective for the mental health and well-beingness of LGB youth (for a review see Rosario and Schrimshaw, 2013) and has been found to be just as beneficial as support from family (eastward.grand., Vincke and Van Heeringen, 2002; Ueno, 2005; Sheets and Mohr, 2009; Rosario et al., 2011).

LGBT Youth and Their Family unit

Families ofttimes reflect the existing wider societal stigma and get a source of bigotry for LGBT youth (Savin-Williams and Ream, 2003; D'Augelli et al., 2005; Ryan et al., 2009; Rodrigues et al., 2016), increasing mental distress not only during adolescence but also into young machismo (Freitas et al., 2015; McConnell et al., 2016).

For this reason, many LGBT youth may be reluctant to disclose their developing sexual orientation to their families for fear of negative reactions, resulting in increased difficulties in family relationships. As an example, in the United States simply one-third of the LGB youth had experienced positive reactions when they revealed their sexual orientation to their parents; the other ane-third experienced negative reactions, with the remaining one-third not disclosing to one or both parents even by their tardily teens and early 20s (D'Augelli, 2002; Savin-Williams and Ream, 2003; Rosario et al., 2009). Negative reactions from parents typically consist of denial, silence, distancing, and abstention (Savin-Williams and Ream, 2003), with exact or concrete abuse also occurring (Savin-Williams and Ream, 2003). Subsequently the initial reactions, parents tend to become slightly more open to their child'south sexual identity over fourth dimension (Vincke and Van Heeringen, 2002; Savin-Williams and Ream, 2003; Beals and Peplau, 2006).

Depression levels of family back up are associated with negative mental health outcomes (e.g., Rosario et al., 2009; Ryan et al., 2009; Needham and Austin, 2010). Furthermore, low levels of family back up are related with lower levels of sexual identity integration among LGB youth, including less disclosure, more internalized homophobia, lower involvement in LGBT communities (Rosario et al., 2008), and lower levels of school belonging (Watson et al., 2016).

Yet, families may also play a protective function in the positive and healthy development of LGBT youth (Doty et al., 2010; Rothman et al., 2012; António and Moleiro, 2015; Watson et al., 2019). In this regard, sexual minority youth who felt supported by their parents also showed lower levels of depression and a more positive cocky-esteem (Watson et al., 2019).

In sum, difficulties experienced by LGBT youth in different contexts, such every bit school, friends and family unit, undermine their mental, behavioral, and physical health (Rosario and Schrimshaw, 2013; Earnshaw et al., 2016). In gild to conceptualize interventions that assure the improvement of Portuguese LGBT youths' living conditions and well-being (Lgbtqi Inclusive Teaching Report, 2018), it is thus important to gather data well-nigh their schoolhouse climate, personal experiences, and social resource.

Materials and Methods

Participants

Data were drawn from a larger study with a total of 663 LGBTI students who filled in an online questionnaire near their experiences in schoolhouse during the last schoolhouse year. At the end of this survey, there was an open-ended question, in which we asked participants to report annihilation they considered important about their school experiences every bit LGBTI students. Our final sample was thus composed of 146 participants who had answered this open up-ended question. This is a convenience sample which ranged from 15 to 20 years of age (M = 17.01; SD = 1.42). Regarding sex assigned at nativity, most participants were female (northward = 94). Concerning gender, 54.1% identified themselves as female (n = 79); 38.half-dozen% as male person (north = 49); 7.8% as transgender (n = 11); and 5.five% as non-binary (n = viii). In terms of sexual orientation, 34 persons divers themselves equally gay, 33 every bit lesbians, 42 as bisexuals (of which 31 defined themselves every bit females and 10 as males), 17 as pansexuals, 7 as queer, six equally heterosexuals, 3 every bit questioning, two as demisexuals, and two as asexuals. Concerning gender identity, most participants were cisgender (81.5%; n = 119). Regarding educational level, the large majority were attending loftier schoolhouse (lxxx.iv%; due north = 117), 16.8% had attended between 7 and nine years of school and 2.viii% had finished loftier school. Finally, 89% of our participants were born in Portugal. Regarding ethnicity, 87% of the sample was Caucasian/European/White.

Procedure and Measures

Data were nerveless online betwixt June and August 2017. Youth were eligible to participate in the study if they were between the ages of fourteen and 20, attended schoolhouse in Portugal during the 2016–2017 school twelvemonth, and identified themselves as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or a sexual orientation other than heterosexual; or described themselves equally transgender or as having another gender identity other than cisgender. The survey musical instrument was modeled after GLSEN'south 2022 National Schoolhouse Climate Survey and was adapted to the Portuguese context, by the Portuguese authors of this paper. To obtain a large and diverse sample of LGBTI youth in Portugal, the study was advertised and promoted on social media, such as Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter with the following information: "[Are you a] LGBTI youngster? Your phonation matters. Get to enae.ilga-portugal. pt and share your schoolhouse experiences. To participate you must be +14 years; identify yourself as lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, intersexual or other not-normative identity; and attend high school or an equivalent didactics pathway in Portugal."

Participants were informed about the anonymous nature of the study reporting their consent (or not) to participate. Consenting participants were redirected to the online survey. They completed self-report measures virtually their schoolhouse experience (e.grand., the frequency of discrimination episodes) and at the end of the questionnaire there was an open ended question: "Is there anything else you would like to share about your schoolhouse experience? Call up this survey is bearding so, you do non take to write your proper name, electronic mail or some other personal data. Furthermore, we are not able to answer your questions or comments in this webpage. If you demand to contact us or another LGBTI support service, please consult the information at the last page of this questionnaire." There was not a word limit in that section and no budgetary reward was offered to participants. The confidentiality of these answers was ensured with the survey link being accessed via secure university services in Portugal.

And then, a thematic analysis was conducted (Bold, 2012; Bardin, 2015) to explore participants' answers to this question.

Data Analysis

We conducted our thematic analysis through a descriptive perspective to categorize mutual themes emerging from the participants' answers (Bold, 2012; Bardin, 2015). First, we read carefully all the participants' answers and a preliminary typhoon of the categorical system was created. Then, nosotros systematically read the material to identify the main categories and sub-categories, reflecting common underlying issues, and the number of occurrences. In Figure ane, nosotros reported the main categories; sub-categories and the number of occurrences.

Figure i. Thematic map: categories, subcategories and number of occurrences.

Ii quality control steps were used to provide the validation of the analysis. To validate the terminal categorization, the authors met for 2 h to discuss and validate the categories (Yardley, 2008). Furthermore, 2 undergraduate research volunteers blindly rated all categories. The agreement between the two contained coders was 95%.

Analysis and Discussion of Results

Nosotros identified four main categories: Victimization, Coming out experiences, Support networks, and Demands (see Figure ane).

Victimization related contents were the most mentioned (170 occurrences), distributed across iv second-level categories. This way, participants provided information most the types of victimization they suffered or witnessed (74 occurrences), the perpetrators or agents of victimization (71 occurrences), their reactions (14 occurrences) and, finally, who were the master targets of these events (xi occurrences). The vastness of this theme is consequent with what studies accept found in other countries, that is, school is often an unfriendly place for LGBT youth (UNESCO, 2012; Earnshaw et al., 2016; Kosciw et al., 2016; Pizmony-Levy and Kosciw, 2016; Russell and Fish, 2016; Toomey and Russell, 2016; Day et al., 2018; Pizmony-Levy et al., 2019).

Occurrences were distributed evenly regarding participants' Coming-out experiences (23) and Social back up networks (20). Coming-out is one of the many tasks and challenges LGBT youths have to bargain with (Savin-Williams, 1998). Given reported experiences of victimization it is non surprising that participants mentioned mostly that they had not come out or had problems during this phase (12 occurrences), followed by selective self-disclosure experiences (seven occurrences), overall negative experiences (2 occurrences), and simply ii positive coming-out accounts.

As Social support networks, students identified mostly their peers (ix occurrences), followed by the school environment (4 occurrences), school staff (3 occurrences), teachers and family unit (both with two occurrences each). It is interesting to note that all sources of social support were also mentioned every bit agents of victimization. However, with the exception of peers, these instances – teachers, school surroundings, schoolhouse staff, and family – were characterized more oftentimes every bit agents of victimization than as support networks. For instance, teachers were mentioned 20 times as agents of victimization but only two times equally sources of support.

Finally, participants made some Demands (xi occurrences), related mainly with information needs about LGBTI issues (eight occurrences) and, more residually, regarding specific help to trans students (three occurrences).

Next, we volition describe, analyze and discuss each one of the categories in farther particular, to characterize quotations of each participant we will apply gender, age, sexual orientation, and gender identity.

Victimization

This category included four 2d-level subcategories: (i) types of victimization, (ii) agents of victimization, (three) reactions to victimization, and (4) targets of victimization.

Types of Victimization

Regarding the first subcategory, 9 forms of Victimization were identified, including not-specified bullying/discrimination, cyberbullying, physical assaults, verbal assaults, sexual assaults, isolation, outing, anticipation of discrimination, and binary toilets. Interestingly, these categories correspond to the definition of homophobic and transphobic bullying proposed by the UNESCO (2012). Consistently with previous research, reports of psychological violence were more than frequent than reports of physical violence (António et al., 2012; António and Moleiro, 2015; Earnshaw et al., 2016; Rodrigues et al., 2016). Thus, the most represented subtheme related to Verbal assaults: "During recess and if I was solitary it was common to be chosen gay" (Male, 19, gay, cisgender); followed past Non-specified bullying/discrimination: "…in my last five years of school (…) I was a constant victim of bullying…" (Male, 16, gay, cisgender); Anticipation of discrimination: "If I come-out as gay to everybody, probably I would take to hear some insults every bit fag (…)" (Male person, 15, gay, cisgender); Isolation: "In that location was a lot of prejudice, I lost all my «friends» [brackets in the original argument], my class put me bated completely…" (Female, 19, lesbian, cisgender); and Outing: "Without my permission, a schoolhouse janitor (till this day I don't know who) informed my parents about my alleged sexual orientation." (Female, 17, pansexual, cisgender). The least mentioned subthemes related to physical violence, namely physical assaults: "My colleagues used to strangle my neck in seventh course because I was gay" (Male, 16, gay, cisgender); and sexual assaults: "I was in a demote talking with my girlfriend and a slightly younger male child approached u.s. and stood however one meter abroad from usa with the mitt inside his pants, as if he was touching himself" (Female, 17, bisexual, cisgender). Cyberbullying, a more contempo course of harassment was residually mentioned: "A boy was extremely fabricated fun of because nudes and intimate videos of him were spread" (Female, 17, lesbian, cisgender). Finally, binary toilets non inclusive of trans and non-binary identified students were besides mentioned as a form of victimization.

Agents of Victimization

Concerning the sub-category Agents of victimization, Teachers emerged equally the most frequent perpetrators of discrimination: "My Portuguese language teacher [male] was a homophobe and was constantly making [homophobic] remarks" (Female, 18, questioning, cisgender). Already highlighted in previous studies (Pizmony-Levy et al., 2008; UNESCO, 2012), this is a worrying result, not only because teachers are important role models for students but also for ethical reasons. In fact, the IGLYO written report (2018) reported a lack of mandatory teacher training regarding LGBTI bug in Portugal, and this seems to be consequent with participants' perceptions. Male colleagues were the second most frequent cited perpetrators of bullying: "My experiences in schoolhouse were terrible because it was a men's higher only" (Male, 20, gay, cisgender). This effect is in accordance with the fact that males have more negative attitudes toward sexual minority' individuals than their female counterparts (LaMar and Kite, 1998; Kimmel and Aronson, 2003; UNESCO, 2012), including among high school students (Costa and Davies, 2012; Santos et al., 2017). Once more, consistently with the results and recommendations of the Lgbtqi Inclusive Education Report (2018) regarding the absence of specific policies and action plans and inclusive national curricula concerning LGBTI issues in Portugal, Schoolhouse curriculum appeared as a often mentioned source of prejudice and discrimination: "(…) Talking about LGBT issues is really rare. Since my 1st year at school until at present, at loftier school, I never had a lecture or a class regarding LGBT questions (…)" (Male, 16, gay, cisgender). Regarding School staff, one participant mentioned that "a school employee talked about our relationship to my girlfriends' family and ruined our human relationship" (Female, 16, lesbian, cisgender). This particular result suggests that mandatory training regarding LGBTI problems recommended by the Lgbtqi Inclusive Education Report (2018) should include non merely teachers but also other school workers. Peers in full general were also mentioned as perpetrators of bullying: "In my school, with my colleagues, it's the only place where I don't feel comfortable revealing my sexuality" (Female person, 15, pansexual, cisgender). School environment was mentioned as many times as Schoolhouse curriculum, School staff and Peers: "The school doesn't have a very healthy environs in terms of diversity" (Male person, 15, gay, cisgender) as agent of victimization, which is both consequent with international scholarship (Galliher et al., 2004; Pearson et al., 2007; Swearer et al., 2008; Birkett et al., 2009; Kosciw et al., 2013, 2014; Snapp et al., 2015; Gegenfurtner and Gebhardt, 2017; Day et al., 2018) and the situation of LGBT youths in Portuguese schools (Lgbtqi Inclusive Instruction Report, 2018).

Interestingly, Family was the least cited source of prejudice: "My parents don't allow me to tell others I'm trans" (male person, 17, heterosexual, trans human). Although families often reproduce the wider social stigma against LGBTI individuals (Savin-Williams and Ream, 2003; D'Augelli et al., 2005; Ryan et al., 2009; Rodrigues et al., 2016) with long-term consequences for LGBTI youth'due south mental wellness (Freitas et al., 2015; McConnell et al., 2016) it may be that, as Rodrigues et al. (2016) reported because LGBTI youngsters tend not to reveal their sexual orientation to their parents and siblings in a kickoff phase, family is not seen as an active amanuensis of victimization.

Reactions to Victimization

Regarding the manner participants react to prejudice and discrimination, Negative emotions (east.g., fear, sadness, shame, etc.) were the virtually prevalent reaction. Every bit one participant wrote, "The worst part was coming back home and feeling like crying" (Male, nineteen, gay, cisgender). This is an expected result, as stigmatization is associated with distress (Meyer, 2003) putting youngsters at risk for poorer full general well-beingness and mental health (Savin-Williams, 1998; Marshal et al., 2011; Rosario and Schrimshaw, 2013; Olson-Kennedy, 2016; Espelage et al., 2018; Hatchel et al., 2018).

Despite being cited only 4 times, Resilience was the 2nd most prevalent reaction to victimization: "Although the extremely negative remarks in schoolhouse, and outside school, were most daily, I never stopped wearing my clothes and I intend to keep thinking the same affair about this consequence" (Female, 18, questioning, cisgender). Closely related to Resilience, Agile coping was mentioned in three occasions, "I reported persons to the school principal twice because of violation of schoolhouse ideals (verbal aggressions/lack of respect)" (Male 17, heterosexual, trans homo). A closer look at these two last subcategories reveals that both relate to private attitudes, behaviors or characteristics such as cocky-esteem and resisting cisheteronormativity. This outcome suggests that amongst our participants resiliency depends more upon personal characteristics than contextual and social protective factors (Masten, 2016; Freitas et al., 2017), such as a prophylactic school environs or social support. In fact, in Portugal schools where the issues of sexual orientation and gender identity are addressed seem to exist the exception and not the rule (Lgbtqi Inclusive Education Report, 2018). Although victimization is associated with a greater incidence of depression, self-impairment and suicidal ideation (Almeida et al., 2009; Shields et al., 2012; UNESCO, 2012; Perez-Brumer et al., 2017; Mean solar day et al., 2018; Espelage et al., 2018; Hatchel et al., 2018), the subcategory Suicidal ideation was but mentioned one time.

Targets of Victimization

Consistently with previous investigation (Kimmel and Aronson, 2003; António et al., 2012; Costa and Davies, 2012; António and Moleiro, 2015; Rodrigues et al., 2016), our results indicate that discrimination operates in function of sexual orientation and gender expression, with boys being in both cases the main targets of bigotry. Regarding Gay students, 1 participant mentioned that "I mainly notice that it is gay and bi[sexual] boys who are discriminated" (Female, 18, bisexual, cisgender). Apropos heterosexual boys who have a not-conforming gender expression, they are often perceived as homosexual or bisexual (Rodrigues et al., 2016) and are victims of prejudice and discrimination: "Remarks such every bit «queer» and «girlie» are even so used to describe slightly effeminate behaviors of straight boys" (Female, 16, bisexual, cisgender). In fact, boys seem to exist the primary victims of homophobic bullying (António et al., 2012; António and Moleiro, 2015) since earlier ages than girls (Rodrigues et al., 2016).

Coming-Out Experiences

Unsurprisingly, Not coming out or having problem in this process was the near mentioned experience (D'Augelli, 2002; Savin-Williams and Ream, 2003; Rosario et al., 2009). As i participant said, "Many people, like me, practice not feel safe to come-out in school" (Female, xviii, lesbian, cisgender). Youths fear losing their social support networks if they disclose their sexual and gender minority status (D'Augelli, 2002; Diamond and Lucas, 2004) and, in fact, information technology has been institute that this disclosure renders them more than vulnerable to bullying (D'Augelli et al., 2002). A strategy is Selective disclosure, that is, revealing one's sexual orientation to a group of persons who are identified as allies, "Simply one friend knows that I am bisexual because I do not experience comfortable to come-out to everybody" (Male person, 17, bisexual, cisgender). 2 Negative coming-out experiences were also described, "I came-out of the closet to my course and to my instructor and few people took it well (…)" (Male, 17, demisexual, transgender man). However, Positive coming-out experiences were likewise mentioned, "I gave a talk near transsexuality during which I came out equally transsexual. In the end of this talk everybody was in tears, waiting in line to give me a hug and give me strength, it was awesome!." (Male person, 17, heterosexual, transgender man). In fact, coming-out does non accept to be necessarily associated with hurting and lack of cocky-acceptance every bit most identity development models predict and more knowledge about positive coming-out experiences is needed (Clarke et al., 2010).

Back up Networks

Consistently with literature (Carr, 1999; Beals and Peplau, 2006; Rosario et al., 2009; Ueno et al., 2009; Frost et al., 2016), Peers were the most mentioned source of social support, "My friends accepted me as I am" (Female, 18, bisexual, cisgender). The School environment was qualified four times equally supportive, "I think my school and its students are quite open up almost the LGBT community" (Female person, 15, questioning, cisgender). Although non frequently, Teachers and Schoolhouse staff members were also perceived by some participants as supportive, "(…) a colleague made a homophobic comment and the teacher countered him (…)" (Female, 17, lesbian, cisgender). Over again, more cognition needs to be gathered virtually LGBT youths' positive experiences. In this regard, literature has already shown that simply having anti-discrimination policies does not confer significant protection to LGBT youths (Chesir-Teran and Hughes, 2009). What seems to make a divergence are classroom discussions, books in the school library that address sexual and gender multifariousness (Goodenow et al., 2006; Chesir-Teran and Hughes, 2009), support from teachers and classmates (Kosciw et al., 2013, 2014), and specific support programs, such as Gay-Straight Alliances (Russell et al., 2009; Poteat et al., 2013; Toomey and Russell, 2013; Ioverno et al., 2016; Marx and Kettrey, 2016; Solar day et al., 2019).

Even though parents tend to be more accepting of their child's sexual identity over fourth dimension (Vincke and Van Heeringen, 2002; Savin-Williams and Ream, 2003; Beals and Peplau, 2006) and Family unit can be protective factor of LGBT youths well-being (Doty et al., 2010; Rothman et al., 2012; Watson et al., 2019), this network was merely mentioned twice equally a source of social back up. This low frequency may be related to the fact that our participants are nevertheless in the process of revealing their sexual orientation and/or gender identity to their family, experiencing mostly difficulties in this stage (Savin-Williams and Ream, 2003; D'Augelli et al., 2005; Rosario et al., 2008, 2009; Ryan et al., 2009; Needham and Austin, 2010; Freitas et al., 2015; McConnell et al., 2016; Rodrigues et al., 2016; Watson et al., 2016). Finally, LGBTI groups/peers were as well identified twice as a back up network, "I eventually plant out that some [female] friends of mine were LGBT and together nosotros ended upward coming together other persons, all from school, this way I didn't feel alone and I was not afraid anymore" (Female person, 17, lesbian, cisgender).

Demands

Considering all challenges to LGBTI students, some demands emerged from their discourses. These demands included (i) specific assistance to trans students and (two) information/talks/support groups about LGBTI issues and other minorities. Regarding specific assist to trans students "I wish there was someone in my school, or in my urban center, who was good in LGBT + questions, to talk to me or to someone who needed, and to help, for example, in the process of sex transitioning" (Female, 17, pansexual, trans woman). In turn, similar demands were asked considering all LGBTI customs and other minorities "(…) the school should have back up groups to help the inclusion of the LGBTI community. I hope this volition happen in the time to come" (Female person, 16, pansexual, cisgender). Students' perceptions are consistent with the lack of inclusive school programs and training of teachers and school staff (Lgbtqi Inclusive Education Written report, 2018).

Terminal Remarks

Perceptions of our participants concerning victimization processes, coming out experiences, back up networks, and demands are consistent with the evaluation and recommendations of the Lgbtqi Inclusive Didactics Study (2018) regarding Portugal. In cursory, our findings point to (i) the urgency of mandatory teacher and school staff preparation regarding LGBTI issues, (ii) the adoption of specific policies, action plans, and inclusive national curricula concerning LGBTI bug, and (iii) the implementation of programs that address LGBTI youths' needs and concerns, such every bit Gay-Straight Alliances. In this regard, it is worth mentioning the pioneering project "Alianças da Diversidade," implemented by ILGA-Portugal whose aim was to foster Gay-Directly Alliances in the Northern Region of Portugal (ILGA Portugal, 2019).

Despite its informative and potentially useful results, this study is not without its limitations. First, written comments only provide a glimpse of students' subjective experiences and hereafter enquiry should consider in-depth interviews equally a data collection method to extend the assessment of their experiences and perspectives. Second, the study would gain in representativeness with the inclusion of quantitative data about the experiences of the inquired sample. This fashion, our results would do good from being confronted in futurity works with more general tendencies identified past the National Survey on Schoolhouse Climate (Pizmony-Levy et al., 2018). Finally, cultural comparisons might as well shed lite on the importance of contextual factors on students' well-being.

Nonetheless, taking into business relationship the scarcity of national data, the present report constitutes an of import step forrad in knowing more about Portuguese LGBTI youths' experiences in schools and with their peers and family unit.

Data Availability Argument

The datasets generated for this study are available on asking to the corresponding author.

Ethics Argument

This study was reviewed and canonical by the Institutional Review Board at Teachers Higher, Columbia University, a waiver for parental consent was provided by this ethics commission.

Author Contributions

All authors made substantial intellectual contributions to the work, revised the manuscript, and approved it for publication. OP-50 and CF designed the study and managed the data file. JG, DL, CM, DN, and TF adapted the questionnaire to Portuguese language and implemented the on-line survey in Portugal. DL, JG, CM, and IM developed the thematic coding scheme and coded the responses. JG took the atomic number 82 in writing the manuscript.

Funding

This work was funded past the Centre for Psychology at the University of Porto, Portuguese Scientific discipline Foundation (FCT UID/PSI/00050/2019).

Disharmonize of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of whatsoever commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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